Number of Scots who want to exit UK grows, not aided by Johnson’s Covid-19 bumbling
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Britain, it is said, has had the worst of both worlds when it comes to the coronavirus. It has the highest excess death rate in Europe and the deepest drop in growth among the Group of Seven (G7) countries.
And yet the virus’s most enduring effect may be to the country’s constitutional settlement: the pandemic has driven a bigger wedge between independent-minded Scots and the rest of the country.
Scotland’s pandemic response has seemed like the height of competence compared to the frenzy of U-turns in London, and this has strengthened support for Scottish independence. If not handled carefully, Boris Johnson’s most enduring legacy won’t be Brexit, or his much-criticised handling of the crisis, but the dismantling of Britain’s three-centuries-old union.
The independence movement looked mortally weakened after the 2014 referendum, in which Scots voted to remain in the UK. But according to a new poll, support for independence is now more than 55% — no doubt because of the growing perception that the Scottish National Party is a model of responsibility when compared with Johnson’s government.
This is partly due to the world-class communications machine run by Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland’s First Minister. Her daily media conferences have given her visibility and she’s proved far nimbler than Johnson, leading on policy changes while Westminster follows. A YouGov poll in mid-August showed almost three-quarters of Scots think Sturgeon is doing very or fairly well. Johnson scores 20%.
In reality, Scotland’s record on the virus has been only marginally better than England’s. The SNP too has reversed course and suffered embarrassments. In Scotland, 46% of Covid-19 deaths occurred in care homes — much higher than the number in England. But unlike Johnson (or his ministers), Sturgeon’s U-turns didn’t come straight after public pledges not to change policy, so Scots still largely trust what they’re told.
It also helps the SNP that Britain’s constitutional settlement can seem confusing. In the 1990s, Scotland and Wales were given their own parliaments and control over a large number of policy areas, from healthcare to education and transport. That allows Sturgeon to blame Westminster, which still retains power in many other areas, for problems but take credit for good news.
The pandemic has highlighted the flaws in this relationship and the breakdown in trust between Scotland and England over the years. Now Johnson has to fix their union or lose it altogether. His best chance may be ...
And yet the virus’s most enduring effect may be to the country’s constitutional settlement: the pandemic has driven a bigger wedge between independent-minded Scots and the rest of the country.
Scotland’s pandemic response has seemed like the height of competence compared to the frenzy of U-turns in London, and this has strengthened support for Scottish independence. If not handled carefully, Boris Johnson’s most enduring legacy won’t be Brexit, or his much-criticised handling of the crisis, but the dismantling of Britain’s three-centuries-old union.
The independence movement looked mortally weakened after the 2014 referendum, in which Scots voted to remain in the UK. But according to a new poll, support for independence is now more than 55% — no doubt because of the growing perception that the Scottish National Party is a model of responsibility when compared with Johnson’s government.
This is partly due to the world-class communications machine run by Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland’s First Minister. Her daily media conferences have given her visibility and she’s proved far nimbler than Johnson, leading on policy changes while Westminster follows. A YouGov poll in mid-August showed almost three-quarters of Scots think Sturgeon is doing very or fairly well. Johnson scores 20%.
In reality, Scotland’s record on the virus has been only marginally better than England’s. The SNP too has reversed course and suffered embarrassments. In Scotland, 46% of Covid-19 deaths occurred in care homes — much higher than the number in England. But unlike Johnson (or his ministers), Sturgeon’s U-turns didn’t come straight after public pledges not to change policy, so Scots still largely trust what they’re told.
It also helps the SNP that Britain’s constitutional settlement can seem confusing. In the 1990s, Scotland and Wales were given their own parliaments and control over a large number of policy areas, from healthcare to education and transport. That allows Sturgeon to blame Westminster, which still retains power in many other areas, for problems but take credit for good news.
The pandemic has highlighted the flaws in this relationship and the breakdown in trust between Scotland and England over the years. Now Johnson has to fix their union or lose it altogether. His best chance may be ...